Why the Worse Get on Top
Op-Ed by Jon Forrest Little
If you have the chance to listen to Doug Casey and Matthew Smith's YouTube visits, it's a valuable opportunity. Their open discussions, while not always in agreement, provide rich insights for critical thinkers.
One theme Doug Casey has consistently discussed is that he discusses some character flaws with people who want to “exert their will over others.”
He dispenses his critiques with impartiality, whether it's Clinton, Bush, Obama, Trump, Biden, Trump, Putin, Trudeau, or any other leader.
No leader, regardless of their position, is immune to Doug’s scrutiny. I find myself in accord with his belief that an 'off' element within their egos often propels these politicians to make irrational and even immoral decisions.
Let’s ask Franz what’s up
The great German sociologist Franz Oppenheimer pointed out that there are two mutually exclusive ways of acquiring wealth; one, the above way of production and exchange, he called the “economic means.” The other way is simpler in that it does not require productivity; it is the way of seizure of another’s goods or services by the use of force and violence. This is the method of one-sided confiscation, of theft of the property of others.
This is the method which Oppenheimer termed “the political means” to wealth. It should be clear that the peaceful use of reason and energy in production is the “natural” path for man: the means for his survival and prosperity on this earth. It should be equally clear that the coercive, exploitative means is contrary to natural law; it is parasitic, for instead of adding to production, it subtracts from it.
The “political means” siphons production off to a parasitic and destructive individual or group; and this siphoning not only subtracts from the number producing, but also lowers the producer’s incentive to produce beyond his own subsistence. In the long run, the robber destroys his own subsistence by dwindling or eliminating the source of his own supply. But not only that; even in the short-run, the predator is acting contrary to his own true nature as a man.
We are now in a position to answer more fully the question: what is the State?
The State, in the words of Oppenheimer, is the “organization of the political means”; it is the systematization of the predatory process over a given territory. For crime, at best, is sporadic and uncertain; the parasitism is ephemeral, and the coercive, parasitic lifeline may be cut off at any time by the resistance of the victims. The State provides a legal, orderly, systematic channel for the predation of private property; it renders certain, secure, and relatively “peaceful” the lifeline of the parasitic caste in society
Here is an Abbreviated list of cases when the people’s money (silver and gold) are vaulted and the ruling class issues gold and silver paper substitutes
In 1205, during the sack of Constantinople, Venetian bankers and merchants vaulted the silver and gold they looted from the city. They then issued war bonds to fund further military campaigns, effectively using the stolen wealth as collateral for new financial instruments.
Spain adopted a similar practice, issuing war bonds called "juros" to finance its military endeavors. These juros were long-term bonds secured against specific tax revenues, allowing the Spanish Crown to borrow extensively for its imperial ambitions.
France followed suit with its own version of war bonds known as "rentes." These financial instruments allowed the French monarchy to raise funds for military campaigns and other state expenses, mirroring the practices of other European powers.
In 1694, a group of 40 businessmen loaned money to the King of England to finance wars against France. In exchange for this loan, they were granted a royal charter to establish the Bank of England, which was given a monopoly on issuing paper currency. This arrangement marked a significant shift in the relationship between the monarchy and private financiers.
The Federal Reserve was established in 1913 as a private central bank for the United States, serving as both lender and borrower of last resort. This institution echoed Napoleon Bonaparte's observation during his later years that "the hand that gives is above the hand that takes," highlighting the power dynamics inherent in centralized financial control
In the modern political landscape, a neo-feudal system has emerged, concentrating wealth, power, and prestige in the hands of a ruling class at the expense of workers. This new aristocracy comprises not only traditional political elites but also corporate executives, financial magnates, and influential media figures who control vast resources and wield significant influence over policy decisions. A crucial component of this elite is the "paper aristocracy," which derives its power from control over financial systems and monetary policy. Central banks, like the Federal Reserve, play a pivotal role in shaping economic conditions that often benefit the elite while burdening the working class.
The ruling class is not monolithic but consists of various levels with different privileges and powers, creating a complex web of relationships and rivalries that further entrench their control. The political and economic systems are structured to provide numerous advantages to this elite, including favorable tax policies, regulatory capture, insider access to information and opportunities, and control over media narratives. These systemic advantages ensure that wealth and power continue to accumulate at the top, widening the gap between the ruling class and workers.
In this neo-feudal structure, workers increasingly resemble a modern serf class, facing stagnant wages, diminishing job security, reduced social mobility, and increasing debt burdens. The gig economy and erosion of labor protections further contribute to this precarious position, echoing the limited rights and opportunities of historical serfs.
The ruling class maintains its position through various means, including ideological control and political influence. By shaping public discourse and education, the elite can influence societal values and perceptions, often to their advantage. Campaign finance systems and lobbying allow the wealthy to exert disproportionate influence over the political process, ensuring policies continue to favor their interests.
This neo-feudal structure presents significant challenges to democratic ideals and economic equity. The concentration of power and wealth in the hands of a few, coupled with the increasing precarity of the working class, mirrors historical feudal systems in many ways. Recognizing these dynamics is crucial for understanding and potentially addressing the growing disparities in modern society, as the ruling class continues to rig the system in their favor, perpetuating a cycle of inequality and diminished opportunities for the majority of workers.
Why the Worst Get on Top (Just like Doug Casey alludes to every week)
Sorry folks: More name dropping
The concept of a ruling class exploiting the masses through various means has been explored by numerous philosophers and thinkers throughout history. Their insights provide a comprehensive framework for understanding the dynamics of power and privilege in society.
John Wade's "Black Book" offers a detailed account of statist privilege in 19th century Britain. Wade meticulously documented the various ways in which the elite benefited from taxpayer money, including royal expenses, church privileges, and government pensions. This work laid the groundwork for understanding how the ruling class maintains its power through financial means. In the modern context, an updated version of Wade's Black Book could shed light on the intricate web of benefits and privileges enjoyed by today's political and economic elites.
The structure of power within the ruling class itself is not monolithic, as pointed out by several thinkers. Jeremy Bentham introduced the concept of the "sub-ruling few," highlighting the layers of power beneath the primary ruler. Thomas Gordon expanded on this idea, describing a "gradation of tyrants" and "deputy tyrants" who compete for power within the oligarchy. Étienne de La Boétie further elaborated on this concept, envisioning a pyramid of power with the tyrant at the apex, supported by hundreds of chiefs and petty chiefs who exploit the people below them. This hierarchical view of power provides insight into the complex dynamics within ruling institutions and the potential for internal conflicts.
The question of why certain personalities are drawn to power and how they succeed in obtaining it has been a subject of inquiry for centuries.
Vicesimus Knox, in his essay on "Despotism," explored the characteristics of those attracted to political and military power, as well as the skills required for success in these domains. Friedrich Hayek later addressed similar questions in "The Road to Serfdom," examining how authoritarian personalities rise to the top in centralized systems. This line of inquiry is crucial for understanding the "pathology of power" not only in dictatorships but also in democratic societies.
Jeremy Bentham argued that the ruling elite has a vested interest in maintaining corruption, waste, and war as means to secure their power. This perspective aligns with the observations of other thinkers who have noted how the ruling class benefits from economic manipulation and conflict. For instance, John Trenchard and Thomas Gordon in "Cato's Letters" discussed how corrupt ministers and magistrates become enemies of the people, using their positions for personal gain.
La Boétie's insight that tyranny rests on popular consent offers a powerful perspective on the nature of political power. His assertion that tyrants can be defeated simply by withdrawing support challenges us to reconsider the foundations of political authority and the potential for non-violent resistance.
These theories collectively paint a picture of a ruling class that maintains its position through a complex system of privileges, hierarchies, and manipulations. By understanding these dynamics, we can better comprehend the challenges facing modern democracies and the persistent inequalities in our societies. The call for updated analyses of these power structures remains as relevant today as it was in the time of Wade, Bentham, and their contemporaries.
We the Villagers
Our Sunday Silver Sermon Concludes
Villagers can break free from the neo-feudal system by forming small, tight-knit communities that resist the fiat currency overlords. By exchanging silver and gold among themselves, these groups reject the paper instruments that fund endless wars and enrich the ruling class.
This act of resistance undermines the power of central banks and the paper aristocracy, who rely on fiat currency to maintain control.
By using precious metals for trade, villagers create a parallel economy that's immune to inflation and monetary manipulation. This grassroots movement starves the war machine of its funding and empowers individuals to preserve their wealth, gradually eroding the foundation of the neo-feudal structure and reclaiming economic sovereignty
